In case the world’s output of meaningful research is not enough for you, the year’s most meaningless and absurd research has been selected for the annual Ig Nobel Prizes, awarded last night at Harvard University.
Apparently, and I bet you didn’t know this, sword swallowing can cause injuries to the throat. So found Brian Witcombe and Dan Meyer. Give those fellows a prize!
News is emerging that four warrants had been issued for national police commissioner and chairman of Interpol, Jackie Selebi, one of which was for arrest. However, all four have reportedly been withdrawn, which raises an entirely new set of troubling questions for the conspicuously silent president Thabo Mbeki, suggesting as it does political interference in potentially embarrassing investigations by the national prosecution authority. Opposition parties are trying to obtain copies of the warrants.
Separately, the case against Agliotti, over the murder of prominent businessman Brett Kebble, and the investigation into what role, if any, Selebi played, is said to be unravelling.
Update: The last story in particular suggests an alternative explanation for the suspension by Thabo Mbeki of Vusi Pikoli.
Pikoli’s fitness for office is now the subject of an inquiry headed by former parliamentary speaker, Frene Ginwala. It would surprise me very much if he were found to be fit for office and reinstated. Perhaps this inquiry is not just about the relationship between him and justice minister Brigitte Mabandla, as Mbeki originally claimed, but about something a lot more serious. Such as obtaining judicial authorisation for arrest warrants without first building a prima facie case. The warrant in question appears to have been issued, but then withdrawn. Some ongoing investigations by the national prosecuting authority, which Pikoli headed, are now subject to review. Agliotti, facing trial for the Kebble murder, rather curiously refused a plea bargain that would involve giving evidence in the investigation against Selebi. This might indicate that he had nothing to offer. All of this points to the possibility that Pikoli may have played at inter-departmental politics, or worse, at presidential succession politics, instead of seeking impartial justice no matter how high the trail of evidence led. In that case, Mbeki would be perfectly in the clear. Better yet, he’d be able to claim the moral high ground for preventing abuse of institutional power against a political rival, Jacob Zuma.
But if so, why doesn’t Mbeki simply make a clear and forthright statement to that effect?
Temba Nolutshungu, a director of the Free Market Foundation, has written an interesting piece that examines the role and influence of non-governmental organisations in African policy formulation around major development issues. The link will not work forever, so the full text follows.
Statist NGOs wreak havoc in Africa
Temba NolutshunguEver since the 19th century territorial scramble for Africa, Africans have become used to Western intervention in their affairs. Decolonisation and independence was supposed to mark the end of this, and to a large extent, Africans govern their countries in a sovereign way. But long after the pith helmets and starched uniforms of the colonisers have left Africa, a new breed of colonialist is emerging. These are the statist NGO campaigners who hope to save Africa from everything from GM food to globalisation.
These NGOs consist of ‘consumer’ and humanitarian groups and ‘development’ charities. They are united in the belief that modern industrial civilisation, profit and competition are unethical. In their view, people, particularly those in developing countries, would be better served by the existence of strong, comprehensive regulations and state intervention that put ‘equity’ and the redistribution of wealth ahead of the economic dynamism that has made the West and eastern countries like Japan, Taiwan, Singapore and South Korea wealthy.
Respect to Kader Asmal, former cabinet minister and senior ANC national executive council member. He has stood up and spoken out, publicly and strongly, against the Zimbabwean tyrant, Robert Mugabe, saying that he should have done so sooner. He also disputed the view that Zimbabweans must solve the crisis for themselves.
Our government has often asked, when defending its policy of “quiet diplomacy” towards Zimbabwe, what exactly critics expect it to do, as if the only alternative to “quiet diplomacy” is a full-scale invasion and regime change. There are many alternatives, and the least it can do to appear honourable on the subject is send a vocal message of condemnation of Mugabe’s depradations.
